The momentous day had finally arrived. After weeks of campaigning, trying to persuade Conservative MPs and party members, the day of awakening was here. No more hustings, tweets, photoshoots, debates or nerves. All the ballots had been received and counted. There was nothing more either candidate could do. Boris Johnson and Jeremy Hunt had varying thoughts as they gathered in Conservative Campaign Headquarters to hear the results.
Both contenders - for the result was yet to be declared - arrived with their partners and key entourage of supporters. The claps and cheers from each respective group had already begun, anxious to keep morale up for the rove of cameras and media performers. This was going to be a day to remember, as the party, and country, would learn who was to replace Theresa May. Each candidate was escorted to their separate waiting area, only their key allies and advisers allowed in. The room was nothing fancy. Such was the dire state of Conservative finances, due to the majority of donors being avowed Brexiteers, that the tea offered - PG Tips of course - had no kettle in which water could be boiled or milk to add. It was all very un-British. Neither campaign team was in the mood to drink however. There would be plenty of time for cerebration or commiseration. Boris felt victory was in the bag for him. He had been watching the television religiously, reading all the polling and had a feel on the ground. People wanted a committed Brexiteer in charge, someone who would be willing to tell the EU the truth. He felt the nation’s mood. They wanted optimism, the kind he had been able to deliver as London mayor. Yet rushing through his mind was a tinge of disappointment. Perhaps he should have taken part in more television debates, not been so afraid of scrutiny. Though it had quickly blown over, Johnson felt internal rage that he had allowed his row to spiral out of control, the disagreement so loud that it could be recorded and the police arrive. Yes, he resolved in his head. He should have been willing to stand up for Sir Kim Darroch more before he felt forced to resign. It was a diplomatic blow. But the contest was still in the bag. He nodded his head, smiled at his campaign team who had worked so hard. The front runner could only go down in the contest. No slip-up took place that was large enough to deny him the title. There was a resolve in his mind about retaining a commanding lead. Johnson felt a duty to reward those who helped him. He was going to have quite the night of celebration! Hunt felt a degree of optimism. Though he had accused Boris of ‘peddling optimism’, he felt a degree of it within him. The campaign had gone well. People had accused him of being a weak opponent of Johnson, like he wouldn’t be able to properly take him on and hold him to account. That had been the very opposite of what he had tried to do. In the debates, he had tried to take Boris’ ideas apart. On social media, Hunt felt he had connected well with the public. They needed to realize he - Jeremy Hunt - was the proper Brexiteer. Boris would be a catastrophe, ensuring we never actually left! In his heart, he felt more popular that what the polls suggested. On the ground, people wanted somebody sensible. Competence was an underrated characteristic in the media, but something those in the wider public - those normal people who were so often mentioned - appreciated. Nevertheless, as he had discussed with his close family and aides, the best he could realistically hope for was to reduce the margin of Boris’ victory. That would provide him with some weakness, mean he would have to adopt a more conciliatory approach as Prime Minister. The public would thank Jeremy for that in the long term. But he kept a smile on his face. He was pleased with how far he had got. Though what people told him may not match reality in the polling booth, he had nothing to be ashamed of. Both Jeremy Hunt and Boris Johnson had been told about the procedure. They would be called onto the stage that had been created, where the Conservative Party chairman Brandon Lewis would read out the result. Each would then give their speech, with the winner going first. They had been told to focus on being leader of the party, for their Prime Ministerial speech would come tomorrow on the steps of Downing Street. That would be the chance to set out their full vision for the country. Today would be about simply thanking members and their vision for leadership of the party. Hunt had prepared both his concession speech, the one, despite all the optimism, he expected to give. Despite him being the clear outsider he also had a shorter, less detailed, concise victory speech. While it would be a dream to give that one, he didn’t expect to be victorious. Johnson had one speech only: his victory speech. Even then, it was relatively short with just a few words. As Jeremy Vine’s Facebook post had shown, he could bluster his way through anything. A victory or, God help him, a defeat would be perfectly manageable speech wise. Time seemed to take forever to pass. After a last glance and practice of their victory/defeat speeches within their tiny campaign rooms while keeping their voices down, each contender thanked their staff for everything, with a smattering of applause. Then, it was time to twiddle their thumbs until they were called out. Both Boris and Jeremy asked staff to check their appearance, making sure their shirt, jacket and tie were all neat and in good order. They wanted no excuses for the sketch writers to mock their appearance as a metaphor for their upcoming premiership. There was a knock on each door. The votes had been counted, double checked and verified. People were sworn to secrecy until the official result was given. But it was here. Jeremy Hunt took a deep breath, steadied himself for what might be the most important walk of his life. Boris Johnson, relieved that the waiting was over, rushed out of the room, dashing in front of the individual accompanying him to hear the result. Upon meeting, quite literally bumping into one another, Boris and Jeremy shook hands, briefly commenting on the fair contest and the need to unite the party whoever won. Most of the conversation was led by Boris, Jeremy Hunt not having a chance to get a word in edgeways to offer his own interpretation. The candidates were ushered onto stage, the bright camera lights, journalists eagerly at their microphones waiting to hear the results. They were used to this during the hustings, where a poor performance didn’t matter in the grand scheme of things. This time the camera would be revealing the ultimate prize to the nation and how each contender reacted. In front of them, Brandon Lewis stood at the podium, waiting to read out the result. However closely either of them looked, neither was able to see the precise numbers that would determine who would be the next Prime Minister. ‘Good afternoon everyone’ Brandon began, fully attracting the national and international media’s attention. ‘I am delighted to announce the results of the Conservative Party leadership election. I would like to thank…’ and he went on. Neither Boris nor Hunt were paying attention, too busy trying to focus on one point. Neither wanted to look at their supporters, for one side knew they would have let them down. All their work would be for nothing. Instead, both focused on a clock at the back of the room, watching the hand tick by as their future would be determined by forces outside their control. ‘I am now ready to announce the result.’ Both instantly tuned back into Brandon Lewis’ words. ‘The total number of votes cast was 136,665, which represents a turnout of 85%.’ There was a single cheer from the audience. This turnout was high, very high. People clearly wanted to have their say. That didn’t reveal the result however. The outcome could still swing either way. ‘The total number of votes cast for Jeremy Hunt was 71,066, representing 52% of votes. The total number of votes cast for Boris Johnson was 65,599 representing 48% of votes.’ The room erupted. Brandon Lewis couldn’t even finish his statement, such was the cheers and swirls of joy from the Hunt supporters. They had so been expecting to lose. Look at what they had heard. Jeremy Hunt had swung to victory. A narrow victory mind, but when all the outsiders, all the pundits, every commentator going said victory was for Boris they had been proven wrong. This was glorious, oh so glorious, even better than when the Conservatives unexpectedly cruised to victory in 2015. His supporters swung on their chairs gleefully with delight. The shock on Jeremy Hunt’s face was visible, as he internally felt like he was having a heart attack. It was a delight, an utter delight to have won. He shook his head, ready to celebrate and implement his vision for the country. He quickly retained his steely composure; he had won because people wanted competence. That had to be offered. Now, more than ever, he had to prove he was a Prime Ministerial figure. The shrieks of delight from the Hunt camp were perfectly complemented by the visible gasps and shocks of horror from the other side. Indeed, the vast majority of those seated were Johnson supporters, eager to celebrate as they saw him reach Number 10. That wasn’t to be the case. They shook their heads. Their mouths were wide open like goldfish, unable to appreciate what they were hearing. What an Earth had happened? Jeremy Hunt had…won with 52% of the vote? This had to be a joke. They knew it. It must be. Brandon Lewis would correct himself, deliver the punchline and then the correct result. In this, Boris would be triumphant with at least 60% of the vote. They waited, bewildered as to why Brandon Lewis would do this. Boris Johnson was fuming. His eyes were wide open as he visibly began sweating. What was he hearing? That his chance, his opportunity to be Prime Minister had slipped away. But he was so near. Everyone had been telling him he would win. All those people holding the signs saying they would back Boris. His domestic agenda was already sorted, he had numerous Cabinet roles ready to fill. And to return to the backbenches? No, this couldn’t be happening. He shook his head slowly but visible enough so the audience could see. ‘I am therefore delighted to announce that Jeremy Hunt is the new leader of the Conservative Party.’ He didn’t mention the part of the Prime Minister. That was for the Queen to decide. Jeremy Hunt stepped forward, smiling brightly as he got out his smaller victorious speech. This couldn’t have been a better moment, not only for him but for the country. He took a few moment to compose himself. In this time, a number of Johnson supporters, now aware this was the true result, got up and left, some in tears at this shocking result. They shook their head, still in utter denial. Everyone was stunned, exasperated. Since the European elections, Boris was the only one who could be Prime Minister. The task was destined for him. And now it was to go to someone else. Jeremy Hunt gave his speech of victory, positively beaming as all the cameras focused on him. Boris lurched behind him, bending over so the cameras wouldn’t have to witness his face. He was like a suspect going into court. This was worse, much worse for Boris than that catastrophe of a press conference following the EU referendum where himself and Michael Gove looked like naughty school children. This was nothing but an embarrassment for him. ‘Thank you Brandon, thank you to my fellow contender Boris. This is an exciting day for our party. And it is a brilliant day for the country. I have a vision for Britain, one that can truly make our country great outside the EU. I’ll balance competence with optimism, confidence with pragmatism..’ He went on, all the media commentators shaking their heads in disbelief. How has they all got it so wrong? Why had the perceived wisdom of a Johnson victory been proven incorrect? Hunt carried on his brief speech, before a strong round of applause from one half of the room, the half that was still there, that is. Then came dear Boris’s speech. He bumbled to the front of the stage, in a way looking quite emotional. The force of what had happened, like a physical accident, hadn’t yet hit him. It was staggering. He almost felt bemused by the matter. For a while he had been the outsider, seen as a no-hoper among Tory MPs. Then, after the dire performance and lack of clarity in the European election, and on Brexit, he had become the front runner. Now, that old mantra about the front runner never winning had come true once again. That battle between himself and Dave, the two Old Etonians, both aiming for Downing Street was now over. Dave had made it, he hadn’t. ‘Hi folks’ he began, all sense of personality in his voice emotionally drained. He had returned to his state of being when forced to pull out in 2016 thanks to Michael Gove’s treachery. He was back to that, the outsider, left languishing on the backbenches. ‘Congratulations Jeremy.’ He had no speech planned, believing this was never the speech he would have to offer. Even Ed Miliband in 2015, who stood a decent chance of becoming Prime Minister, had prepared a concession speech, if things, as they did, went wrong. Johnson had nothing. ‘Well, that was quite the victory for you. We didn’t expect to be here.’ He gathered a small laugh from his supporters. As Jeremy stood to the side, maintaining his Prime Ministerial gaze, the Hunt supporters watching Johnson’s every move with delight. They thought nothing but thank God he didn’t make it to the highest office. He wouldn’t get there. The country would be saved. ‘I wish you good luck Jeremy for the sake of the country…and I will be there to support you and offer what I believe to be best for our…great nation from the backbenches.’ There was little else for him to say, such was the extent of his planning. That was it. The result had been given. Both candidates were accompanied off the stage, more whoops and cheers. Boris Johnson was quickly ushered out of a side door, still trying to take in what had slipped away from him. Meanwhile, Jeremy Hunt, as he headed to prepare a small, but worthwhile celebration for reaching the highest title, felt nothing but satisfaction for beating Boris, proving herd-like conventional wisdom wrong yet again. No longer banished to the backbenches but headed for the title, the honour, the responsibility. The next few months - and hopefully years - were going to be a treat. * The broadcasters couldn’t have been happier. Not because of the result - they were of course impartial one way or the other - but because of the number of MPs that were willing to speak to them. The BBC, ITV, Sky, all the commercial channels and stations had never been so full with people desperate to comment the result. For Hunt supporters, they couldn’t have been happier. It wasn’t the new type of politics that a party leader always promises but the same old spin about his victory. It was part of his appeal to the public, people valued someone serious and competent, he would govern for the whole UK, bring together remainers and leavers. The same typical lines to come out of winning. The Hunt supporters tried to act in a calm way, making their fellow, the person who would officially be the next Prime Minister, look competent, but internally they were blown away, still stunned by the narrow margin of his victory. 52% of the vote! Clearly, it was a close victory. But it was decisive. Despite the initial tears, the Boris supporters were eager to argue for their man. There were one problem. Far from accepting the result, conceding victory and looking forward to Prime Minister Hunt, they were outraged. They fulminated their fury at the outcome, verbally breathing fire on the result. This had to be incorrect, they reportedly said, going red in the faces as they continued to spark their anger and rage. All the people they had spoken to, at the vast majority of associations, were going to vote Boris. They had no idea. Something must have gone wrong with the vote. The font, that was it, according to one Boris supporter. The font was clearly too small for people to read, given the age of the Conservative membership. Boris being their favourite, their had assumed he was in the first box. Yes, that had to be it. The contest couldn’t have been this result. Boris Johnson was the rightful Prime Minister. The thought that people didn’t like being told what to do or how to vote, just like the 2017 general election, had never crossed their mind. It was truly remarkable. They demanded a re-count. Such an event was unlikely to take place, for the margin of victory was significant enough that, even if a few votes had been miscounted, it was still going to be victory for Mr Hunt. They were incandescent with rage. However, when asked whether they would vote against the new Prime Minister in a confidence vote, none of them were willing to go that far. Having argued against people who wanted to stop Boris by any means, it would have looked slightly odd if they had argued for Jeremy Hunt to be defeated, given the chance of a potential Corbyn government as a result. They would bide their time, allow Mr Hunt to present a form of Brexit. But if he failed to get them out by October 31st, they would come for him. They remained a tight swell, all together, ready to unite against their Prime Minister if he couldn’t deliver Brexit. Within their remarks was a continual emphasis on praising Boris, recognizing what a good opponent he had been and how hard the current events must be for him. Yet he was nowhere to be seen, off to the flat he thankfully hadn’t be evicted from. He was away from the media, yet they never lost interest in him, constantly waiting outside for his reaction. There was no chance of obscurity - he was to remain a Conservative MP, they assumed. During the night before he became Prime Minister, Jeremy Hunt took those interviews from Johnson supporters seriously. If Boris Johnson had become Prime Minister, there was clearly going to be a section of the party that utterly loathed him. The same would be the case for him. He had to reach out to them, try to get a form of compromise that pleased all wings of his party and got Brexit over the line. A bright spark formed in his mind. Maybe it was the champagne he had been drinking thinking for him, but he realized the perfect person for his compromise. Kit Malthouse. A key Boris supporter after dropping out of the leadership race, he would make the perfect Deputy Prime Minister. A true compromise that would show Hunt was committed to reaching out to Boris supporters. With his team, he mused who could make up the best elements of his cabinet. He sighed in his living room, the last night he would spend there for some time, as it was not something he had given a great deal of energy to. He had done too much campaigning. Before the result, he still felt as if defeat was the only outcome. That certainly wasn’t the case now. As they were musing names, one adviser questioned just keeping the Cabinet as Theresa May had left it. It would show that he wanted to get on quickly with the job at hand, not interested in rewarding potential allies, focusing on the experience of those he had worked with. It would maintain the balance of remainers and leavers, hopefully keeping all happy. He knew there would be the usual rebellious individuals, but with a new leader at the table, he would provide the necessary path forward. If they were opposed to no deal, they would choose to leave at a later date. Yes, that would be the path froward. He mused about making Liz Truss, a key Boris defender, Foreign Secretary, to improve international relations. With Malthouse as Deputy Prime Minister, the Johnsonites hopefully wouldn’t feel too annoyed. With his blue highlighter - maintaining the conservative colour - he circled each of the jobs, showing that his tiny reshuffle would soon be over. He could focus on the role of governing. At Theresa May’s last PMQs the following day, Jeremy Hunt sat right next to her, eager to smile, show his credibility and support the outgoing Prime Minister. It was thanks to her incompetence and failure over Brexit that he got the job anyway. She made some funny line about avoiding the ‘blond bombshell.’ Jeremy laughed but wasn’t wholly listening, instead focused on the task of governing ahead. The backbenches were full for Theresa May, MPs persuaded of the merits of turning out for her the last time. Though their mood was suitably dim about the future. They expected someone who would make them feel good, someone to offer opportunity. Instead, thanks to the membership not being wholly honest about how they would vote, they got Hunt. Boris Johnson was nowhere to be seen, having not left his flat, at least by the front door, since returning as a defeated individual. May ended by saying that some MPs, wholly by accident of course, may occasionally forget and mispronounce the name of the next Prime Minister. Parliament concluded by clapping Theresa May out, led by Rory Stewart from the front bench. It was a fairly weak standing ovation, which many felt was a reflection of Theresa May’s premiership as a whole. She returned to Downing Street, gave her departing speech which few will remember, and was off. Jeremy Hunt took some deep breaths as he prepared to enter Downing Street. He had met the Queen, which had all gone as smoothly as he imagined. Of course, there was no previous precedent to judge Prime Ministers meeting the Queen, such was the level of privacy attached to the meetings. The podium was ahead of him, his wife by his side, as he prepared his notes. These would be the words he would deliver to the country as Prime Minister, his first full impression of how to govern. ‘I have just been to ask Her Majesty the Queen whether I could form a government and she accepted. I address you as the new Prime Minister, who aims, wherever possible to bring the country together. A key element of this means respecting democracy, which of course means Brexit must be implemented. I will endeavour to negotiate a new deal which means we can leave the EU in an orderly fashion while respecting the result. I also aim to tackle the wider social problems which may have resulted in the vote to depart. I call these the burning injustices of society: where your life is determined by factors outside your control. I want every individual to have more control and more autonomy over whether they succeed in life. We need to live in a true meritocracy.’ The new Prime Minister carried on making these remarks, but his key advisers, not too dissimilar from those who helped Theresa May, already had their head in their heads. He was already going to be dubbed Maybot 2.0. They could already see the headline ‘Mayday!’ as it appeared Theresa May - policy wise - hadn’t left Number 10. They didn’t dare look at the Daily Telegraph, the paper which expected to become the Fox News of the UK with its support for Mr Johnson. But Jeremy Hunt got through his remarks, entering Downing Street to ripples of applause from civil servants and staff previously with tears in their eyes at May’s departure. It was a delight to have given his first speech, met his senior team and enter the house as its occupant, something he had dreamed of for years. Finally, it had come true. Meanwhile, David Lidington, Greg Clark and David Gauke, among other cabinet ministers, were all ready to clear their desks. Even though Mr Johnson amazingly hadn’t won, which they thought would automatically spell the end of their time in office, they assumed Mr Hunt would want to renew the Cabinet, get a new team in to provide assistance and a shared way forward. Like Mr Hunt though, they still felt an outside chance of perhaps being kept in. A chance to keep their jobs, with the red boxes and ministerial cars? Yes please. The wait by their telephone, ready to be called in for firing or retaining, appeared to take forever. It rang, they all picked up their phones, eager to hear. All were asked to enter Downing Street by the front door. How peculiar. That would suggest a firing was not on the cards, for Mr Hunt wouldn’t be so gratuitous as to humiliate them walking down Downing Street. Would he? They were correct. All were offered to retain their current jobs, even Philip Hammond as chancellor. That was the same for every Cabinet minister, so many of them expecting the chop, the badger cull from their previous role. Liz Truss, despite supporting Boris, treasured the chance to be Foreign Secretary and promote freedom tabroad. Kit Malthouse, with the chance to keep Hunt on track for Brexit, was very happy to take up the role of Deputy Prime Minister. Indeed, Boris’ supporters was anxious for him to do so, explaining how vital it was that someone held Hunt to account inside government. If the Prime Minister failed, Malthouse could do a Geoffrey Howe and resign, potentially bringing the whole government down. Apart from a few ministerial changes, rewarding some of his loyal supporters with Boris ministerial supporters deciding to return to the backbenches, the government remained pretty much as was before May’s departure. But there was a new focus. Hunt made this clear at his first Cabinet meeting as Prime Minister. They had a duty to deliver Brexit. Every single cabinet member was united in that aim. We must do everything we could to get Britain out by then. Even from the start, it was accepted it wasn’t a certainty that Halloween would be Brexit day. The following day, Jeremy Hunt faced his first appearance in the House of Commons as Prime Minister. He decided it was his duty to succeed where Theresa May failed by regularly updating the House of Commons with Brexit developments, answer questions and show a collegiate approach. While there would inevitably be a few hardcore supporters who only accepted a second referendum or no deal, Mr Hunt genuinely believed a cross party consensus could be found for a pragmatic Brexit deal. He gave his plans to a packed Commons with spirited optimism, about touring the EU capitals over the summer, holding many discussions, involving a negotiating team from many wings of the party in a bid to deliver Brexit. It was an exciting time he said, even throwing his papers around at one point to peddle his good dose of optimism. Greg Hands, a key Brexit minister, sat next to him, his 200 page document of alternative arrangements to replace the backstop on his lap. Hunt's path to Brexit was all about removing the backstop. The Commons had voted for the Brady amendment, which accepts the withdrawal agreement without the backstop. All the other elements of Theresa May’s deal will eventually cease like the payments and transition period. The backstop had to go. Hunt pledged constant talks with the Irish Taoiseach Leo Varadkar in an aim to get a new Brexit deal. A no deal Brexit, Hunt argued, would be appalling for the EU. Why would they want to do that to their citizens if they wish to keep the EU as an existing project? As Hunt continued speaking, he was able to see the new rebel corner in Parliament. It wasn’t opposite him, on the other side of the Commons, but behind him. The place where Justine Greening, Dominic Grieve, Guto Bebb and other remainer rebels used to sit had been overshadowed by the Boris Johnson fan club. And the rebel area could certainly have counted as more than a corner, Boris Johnson sitting firmly in the centre of it, protective MPs on all sides. They all crossed their arms, remaining silent as they listened to what Mr Hunt had to say. Visually, they showed their ability to influence proceedings. Boris Johnson had already returned to writing permanent columns for the Telegraph, as well as gaining a diary column in the Spectator. It was clearly impossible to live off the salary of a normal backbench MP. In Jeremy Corbyn’s response, there was no mention of a confidence vote in the government. This had been a possibility working through Mr Hunt’s mind, but he felt it was more likely to take place had Boris Johnson became Prime Minister or later in the year. Instead, he constantly moaned, but Mr Hunt wasn’t properly listening. The Labour Party was in disarray. The bigger threat came from his own side. As ever, Jeremy Corbyn showed his clear competence at keeping the governing Conservative party in office. When responding to members of the Boris squad, the one question they kept asking, by paraphrasing each other, was whether Mr Hunt could be confident Britain would be out of the EU by 31st of October. As he couldn’t promise this, the only comeback Mr Hunt could think of was that a number of the ERG had repeatedly voted against leaving the EU. It was thanks to them we were still in. Mr Hunt had got through his first day as Prime Minister. But he knew wholeheartedly it wasn’t going to be a smooth period. * Jeremy Hunt was trying to enjoy the week of holiday he had allowed himself. With his family, they had gone down under to Australia. Kit Malthouse was the interim Prime Minister. Any holiday in Europe or the Americas would have raised eyebrows. People liked Australia, didn’t they? He thought it was a fairly neutral place to explore, like going to Switzerland during the Second World War. Frankly, he needed to get as far away from the UK and EU nations as possible. It was the last week of the summer before Parliament returned and things couldn’t have been going more poorly. He sat on the beach, only the sound of the crashing waves in some otherwise peace and quiet, for once. The meetings with the EU leaders, it’s safe to say, had been neutral at best. Many were welcoming, very friendly, giving up their summer holiday for a day of conversation. He had assumed that talking to leaders individually, away from the trappings of the European Council, would have increased their leverage, what they were prepared to offer on the Irish backstop. Many had read the document on ‘Alternative Arrangements.’ That was the good news. They had then proceeded to reject this allegedly ‘mythical’ technology. Time after time, they argued the backstop was a good, welcome piece of innovation, offering certainty for the Irish and British people. It extended across the UK, offering a third country unprecedented access to EU markets. What reason was there to be against it? It was like the leaders had been persuaded of the case by the EU, their minds closed to any new solution presented. True, Mr Hunt hadn’t a great grasp of the information or technology, but he kept being told by special advisers that this did exist. He needed it to exist for the DUP, who were just about remaining confidence and supply partners, to retain their support. It was infuriating that he had, so far, been unable to break through like Theresa May. He wasn’t being helped by rumours at home in his own party either. Though the summer political season was of course better know as silly season, the number of rumours floating around the in the daily and Sunday papers didn’t help his stability as Prime Minister. Apparently, Kit Malthouse was planning to initiate a vote of no confidence in him as leader, backbenchers were repeatedly saying he was the worst leader in their history, the opposition parties stated they would vote against any deal that didn’t contain a ratification referendum. Polarisation was the case on all sides, just as he was trying to bring the country together. The biggest factor, weakening his leadership, he reflected, was all the talk of a #MembersVote. They were in a minority, but significant grouping of the Conservative Party, who stated the 2019 Tory Leadership election should be re-run. Members didn’t know what they were voting for, Mr Hunt’s promises hadn’t matched up to reality, there was outside influence impacting the result. Jeremy had spoken to all those involved in the election who stated no such influence took place. Of course, they wanted Boris on the ballot paper. The people were saying Boris should go against Mr Hunt but really they wanted a full blown leadership contest where Jeremy Hun wouldn’t be able to attain enough votes among MPs to make it onto the final membership ballot. To say Mr Hunt was frustrated was an understatement. Did they not realize what opposition parties were for? It was their job to make him seem weak, not his own party. Oh the irony, given their opposition to a second referendum. He winced at his percentage of victory, 52%. If it had been larger, well, that may have been another story. It wouldn’t have shut them up. Boris was an entitled individual. If he had to have another vote, Hunt thought he would win by a bigger margin. But he shouldn’t need to. He had won the first time fair and square. His only honeymoon moment was thanks to the Labour Party, their internal divisions meaning he still held a commanding lead in the opinion polls. But that was the only sign of optimism. He would need to attend more EU meetings once the summer was over, demonstrate that his entrepreneurial spirit could deliver a result. Looking back, he would realize that was a fallacy. Numerous emergency European Council summits were called at Mr Hunt’s request. He even requested that party conferences be suspended such was the importance of any Brexit deal being reached and ratified in Parliament. They kept looking at the alternative arrangements and simply wouldn’t budge. Instead, they just reinforced their best endeavour remarks which stated that the backstop shouldn’t ever need to be used. Mr Hunt felt compelled to bring the deal back to the Commons. It was basically Theresa May’s deal for a 4th occasion, but he never made that explicitly clear. That would ensure its defeat. He hoped the Commons would see sense, recognize that this was the path to leaving the EU with a deal on October 31st, with the further reassurances on the backstop. The EU pledged to examine this new technology within the 'alternative arrangements' that may provide some solutions in the future. Hunt continually tried to make the case that, thought he remained supportive of no deal if necessary, the Commons would continually find a way to prevent it from happening. Sadly, it wasn’t enough. While some Labour MPs opposed to a second referendum like Lisa Nandy, Gareth Snell, Stephen Kinnock and Ruth Smeeth voted for a deal for the first time, that was nowhere near enough to outnumber the Boris squad who happily voted against the deal again. They may have voted reluctantly for the deal on March 29th, but with a new PM felt able to rebel again. They never saw Mr Hunt as a legitimate Prime Minister. That blow meant the deal went down to defeat by a majority of over 100. They were the rebels against not just Mr Hunt but all of his policies. Jeremy Hunt decided that Downing Street wasn’t appropriate enough for the decision making over what to do next. He needed a change of scenery, somewhere with a new perspective. The best thing to do, therefore, was to take the entire Cabinet to Chequers for a meeting on the way forward regarding Brexit. October was here, with Britain legally due to leave the EU at the end of the month. Given the withdrawal agreement had little chance of passing, the Cabinet table wouldn’t be appropriate or desirable enough for finding a new approach to the policy. The grand offerings of the mansion residence,with all the different scenery, may provide some inspiration to ensure some way forward could be discovered. At the meeting itself, once all the Cabinet had managed to arrive without resigning, there was little inspiration to be gauged. Hunt led most of the conversation, allowing ministers to speak when they wished. The problem was they didn’t want to speak, offering little insightful or critical remarks to contribute to discussion. Greg Clark and David Gauke, after a few minutes of silence as people slurped their tea, all in perfect china cups and saucers, proposed a referendum. Initially, it bought horror to the room, but they then outlined what they meant. It would allow the people a say, but place the Withdrawal Agreement against leaving with no deal. People had decided they want to leave but, given the gridlock of Parliament, they could now decide how they want to leave. They thought it should win support from Brexiteers, as it would be putting two versions of leave against one another, and supported by remainers, as it would prevent the government from leaving without a deal unless the public explicitly endorsed it. It was the perfect solution. Everyone could argue for their shade of grey, the public would resolve the impasse and then Parliament would be mandated to enact that version of Brexit. The EU would surely grant an extension to allow that moment of democracy to flourish, to triumph so the people, three years after the referendum, could finally have their say. That is what would have taken place in the ideal society. Unfortunately, as soon the whisper of a referendum began to make its way out of Chequers, to say there was a backlash was putting it lightly. Brexiteers, specifically Boris Johnson’s supporters, were fulminating at their lips. To them, there was no justification for putting no deal to the people. The 2017 Conservative Party manifesto committed to ‘no deal being better than a bad deal.’ The deal had been rejected four times. It was therefore clearly bad meaning leaving without an agreement had to be implemented. No ifs, no buts. A referendum would clearly lead to an extension, breaking the promise of leaving at the end of Halloween. It was a dire move. The remainers were no happier. Not only because they were opposition politicians, and so it was their job to oppose the moves of the government, but they felt this was not the #PeoplesVote they had been fighting for. There was no option for remain on the ballot paper meaning people were being prevented from changing their minds. To them, it was a democratic outrage. They would most certainly be voting against having a referendum as it was not the sort of referendum they wanted. Meanwhile, calls for Mr Hunt to go less than three months after getting the job were intensifying. There was a feeling that he had managed to turn all MPs against him for different reasons. It was a wonder he hadn’t suffered any Cabinet resignations. The referendum anger caused in Parliament looked likely to be representative of the country. One evening, Mr Hunt heard a rumour that an ally of Boris was planning to table a vote of no confidence in the Prime Minister’s leadership. A Conservative MP placing a vote of no confidence in the Conservative Prime Minister! He thought it may be likely to pass, despite his continued belief that he was providing the leadership the country needed. After consulting his close family and aides, he came to his final decision. A general election would, reluctantly, be the only way forward. He needed to jump before he was pushed. With Parliament refusing to agree a deal, opposing his leadership, no deal and another referendum, it would have to be up to the people. Despite his unpopularity at Westminster, he still held a commanding lead against Jeremy Corbyn, both on leadership credentials and against the Labour opposition. The people needed to speak. Did they want Jeremy Corbyn, who would stop Brexit or Jeremy Hunt, who would allow the people to decide what form of Brexit they wanted? The MPs had spoken enough. It was time now to really find out who governs Britain. As these thoughts raced through Jeremy Hunt’s mind, relieved to have finally stumbled across something to break the eternal deadlock, he mused on how these recent events all seemed strangely familiar.
1 Comment
ck
19/7/2019 11:36:27
Bravo !
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